| TITLE Aleximachus’ pompe in Aigiale |
| DATE Late 2nd century BCE – 1st century BCE |
| TEXT The Packard Humanities Institute (IG XII, 7, 515). [1] [ἄρχοντος ․․․․․․]ν ․․․․ε․․․․․ μηνὸς Ἀπατουριῶνος Ἀρχιτέλη[ς] [2] [Παρμενίωνος, Κρ]ατησίλοχος [Ἡγ]ίου, Λεοντεὺς Ἡγίου αἱρεθέντες [3] [ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου κ]ατὰ ψήφισμα, ὥστε νόμον εἰσενεγκεῖν καθὰ ἐπ[ι]- [4] [τελεσθήσετα]ι ὅ τε ἐγδανεισμὸς τοῦ ἀργυρίου οὗ ἐπιδέδωκεν Κριτόλαο[ς] [5] [Ἀλκιμέδοντος] καὶ ἡ δημοθοινία καὶ ὁ ἀγών, καὶ τἄλλα δὲ πάντα ἐ̣π̣ιτ̣ε̣- [6] [λέσαι, γεγ]ράφασι τὸν ἀφηροϊσμὸν τὸν Ἀλεξιμάχου τοῦ Κριτολάου, [7] [καθὼς καὶ] ὅ τε δῆμος ἐψήφισται καὶ Κριτόλαος ἐπιδέδωκεν εἰς ταῦτα̣ [8] [δραχμ]ὰς δισχιλίας κατ̣ὰ τάδε· {²A}² {εἴς τε τὸ μὲν} τὸ μὲν ἀργύριον ἐγδα]- [9] [νείζεσθ]αι ἐν τῷ Ἀπατουριῶνι μηνὶ τόν τε ἄρχοντα καὶ τοὺς πρυτάνει[ς] [10] [καὶ] μ̣ισθωτὰς καὶ Κριτόλαον Ἀλκιμέδοντος, ἐγδανείζεσθαι δὲ αὐτ[ὸ] [11] [ἀπὸ δε]κάτου, τοὺς δὲ δανεισομένους διδόναι ὑποθήκην χωρία [12] [πλείο]νος ἄξια δραχμῶν δισχιλίων ἀνεπιδάνειστα ἰδιωτικοῦ δα- [13] [νείου, καὶ λ]αμβάνειν ἐπὶ τ[ῇ] προδεδηλωμένῃ ὑποθήκῃ μὴ πλεῖον δρα- [14] [χμῶν διακ]οσίων, ὑπογραψ[άτ]ω δὲ ὁ γραμματεὺς εἰς τὰ δημόσια γράμμα̣- [15] [τα τὸν δεδ]ανεισμένον ἕκαστον πατρόθεν καὶ τοῦ δήμου καὶ τὸ πλῆθος [16] [τοῦ ἀργυ]ρίου, οὗ ἂν ᾖ δεδανεισμένος, καὶ τὴν ὑποθήκην, ἣν ἂν δῶι, ῥητῶς, [17] [τούς τ]ε̣ γείτονας παρα[γρ]άφειν κύκλωι· τὸν δὲ τόκον οἱ δεδανεισμένοι [18] [τὸ ἀργ]ύριον ἀποδιδότωσ[α]ν δέκατον, καταβάλλοντες ἀεὶ ἐν μηνὶ Ἀπα- [19] [τουρ]ιῶνι ἐν τεῖ βουλεῖ, κα[θ]άπερ καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα· τὸ δὲ ἀρχαῖον ἐνο- [20] [φει]λέσθω παρὰ τοῖς δανεισαμένοις ἐπὶ ταῖς ὑποθήκαις ἐφ’ αἷς ἐδα̣- [21] [νε]ίσατο ἕκαστος, καθάπερ καὶ τὰ φυλετικά, εἰς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον, καὶ μὴ ἔ- [22] [στω] αὐτοῦ πρᾶξις· μὴ ἐξέστω δὲ τοῖς ὀφείλουσιν τοῦτο τὸ ἀργύ- [23] [ριο]ν καταβαλεῖν τὸ ἀρχαῖον κατὰ μηθένα τρόπον, ἀλλ’ ἐνοφειλέσθω ἐν [24] τ̣αῖς ὑπο[θ]ήκαις ἐπὶ αἷς ἂν δανείσωνται εἰς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον· ἐὰν δέ τις κα- [25] ταβάλη̣ παρευρέσει ᾗτινιοῦν εἲ ἄρχ[ο]ντες αὐτῷ προσδέξωνται τὴν [26] καταβολήν, μὴ ἔστω αὐτῷ καταβεβλημένον, ἀλλ’ ἐνοφειλέσθω ἐν ταῖς [27] [αὐ]ταῖς ὑποθήκαις, καὶ μηθὲν ἧσσον ἔστω πρακτὸς κατὰ ταὐτά· [καὶ ἐὰν] [28] οἱ νέοι ἄρχοντες προσδέξωνται τὴν καταβολήν, ὀφειλέτωσαν δρα- [29] χμὰς χιλίας τῷ δημοσίωι, καὶ ἡ καταβολὴ ἄ[κυρος] ἔστω· ἐ[ὰ]ν δέ τις τῶν [30] [δ]εδανεισμένων μὴ ἀποδῶι τὸν τόκον ἐν τῷ μηνὶ τῷ Ἀπατουριῶνι ἐν τεῖ [31] [β]ουλεῖ, ἡ βουλὴ καὶ οἱ λογισταὶ καὶ ὁ ἄρχων παρα[χρῆ]μ̣α̣ πρα̣σ̣σέτωσαν, κα- [32] [θά]περ καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ χρήματα, πρὸς τὸ ἡμιόλιον· ὁ δὲ μισθωσάμενος προκατ[α]- [33] [βαλ]λέτω τὸ μίσθωμα {σαν} ἐν τεῖ βουλεῖ· ἐὰν δέ τι ὑπερέχῃ μισθούμενα τὰ [34] [χ]ωρία, ἀποδιδότωσαν τῷ κυρίωι τῆς ὑποθήκης παραχρῆμα ἐν τεῖ βουλεῖ [35] τὸ ὑπερεχὲς τοῦ τε τόκου καὶ τοῦ ἡμιολίου, ὁ δὲ γραμματεὺς ὑπογραφέ- [36] [τ]ω τήν τε μεμισθ[ω]μένην ὑποθήκην καὶ τ[ὸ]ν μ[ισθωσά]μενον καὶ πόσου ἐμισθ[ώ]- [37] [σ]ατο καὶ ὅ,τι προκαταβέβληκεν· ἐὰν δέ τις μισ̣[θωσά]μενο̣ς̣ μὴ προκαταβάλ[ῃ] [38] [παραχρ]ῆμα ἐν τῇ βουλῇ, ἐνγραφέτω αὐτὸν ὡ̣[ς] ἐ̣π̣ο̣φ̣ε̣ίλοντα δρα- [39] χμὰς διακοσίας τῷ δημοσίωι. {²B}² ὅπως δὲ [κ]αὶ ἡ [δημοθ]οινία ἐπιτελε- [40] [σ]θεῖ τὸν {ἐν} ἐνιαυτὸν τὸν μετὰ ἄρχοντ̣α ․․․․η̣ν̣ τ̣ὸ̣ν̣ Ἀ̣ρ̣ί̣σ̣τ̣ωνος, το̣[ὺς] [41] [π]ρυτανεύοντας τὸμ̣ μῆνα τὸν Ἀπατουρ̣ι̣ῶ̣[να ἑλέ]σ[θαι] ἐπιμελητὰς δύο ἐξ ἁ- [42] [π]άντων [Α]ἰγιαλέων μ̣ὴ̣ νε̣ω̣τέρ̣ους ἐ̣τῶν τ̣ρ̣ι̣[άκο]ν̣τα· οἱ δὲ αἱρεθέντες λα- [43] [βό]ντες τὸ ἀργύριον τὸ πῖπτο̣ν̣ παρα̣[χρ]ῆ̣μ̣α ἐμ μηνὶ Ἀπατουριῶνι ὠ- [44] [ν]ησάσθωσαν βοῦν ἄρσενα μὴ νεώτερον ἐτῶν δύο καὶ θυσάτωσαν ἐν [45] τεῖ Καλλιστράτου αρ̣τ̣(?)․․․․․․․․․․․․․․ ο̣ἰ̣[κ]ίαι, πομπευέτω- [46] σαν δὲ τὸν βοῦν ἐκ τοῦ πρυτανείου [οἱ] π̣ρ̣υ̣τ[άνει]ς̣ καὶ [ὁ] γυμνασίαρχος [47] [κ]αὶ οἱ ἔφηβοι, ἀκολουθείτωσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ νεώτεροι πάντες· εἰ δὲ μή, τοὺς [48] μὴ ἀκολουθοῦντας ἐπαναγκ[α]ζέτω [ὁ] γυμ[να]σίαρχος τρόπωι ὅτωι [49] ἂν δύνη̣[τ]αι· ὅταν δὲ [π]ο[ίη]σωσιν τὸ [δεῖπν]ον, ἐπ[εν]έγκαντες κρέα ὁλο- [50] μελῆ ἑστιασ<ά>τωσαν καὶ ἐπιμη[νι]ε̣υ̣σ̣[άτωσα]ν [ο]ἱ ἐπιμεληταὶ ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖ- [51] [πνον]· ἐὰν δὲ ἄλλο αὐτοῖς φαίνηται, π̣ρ̣ο̣στ[ι]θέτ̣[ω]σ̣α̣ν πρὸς τὸ ἐνὸν ἀρ[γύ]- [52] [ρ]ιον καὶ εἰς τὴν δημοθοινίαν ἐπιμηνιεύοντες μετὰ τοῦ γυμνασι- [53] [ά]ρχου, τὸ δὲ ἐπιμηνιευθὲν τοῦ ἀρ[γυρίου φέρον]τες ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον [54] ποιείτωσαν οἱ ἐπιμεληταὶ πάν̣[τας τοὺς κλι]σ̣μ̣οὺς(?) κατὰ τρίκλι- [55] [νο]ν καὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἀποδιδότωσαν [το]ῖς̣ τε πολίταις πᾶσιν τοῖς παρα- [56] [γε]νομένοις εἰς τὴν Αἰγιά[λη]ν [καὶ παροίκοις κα]ὶ ξένοις <καὶ> τοῖς παρα- [57] [γε]νομένοις Ῥωμαίων αὐτῶ̣ν καὶ τῶν γ̣υ[ναικῶν(?)], κ̣α[ὶ κρ]έ̣α(?) χωρὶς πᾶ- [58] [σι]ν ․․․․․, καὶ παρεχέτωσαν ἡδὺ̣ μελίκρα̣τον καὶ τὴν διακονίαν πᾶσαν <τοῦ> [59] [δεί]πνου, παρέχοντες ξύλα καὶ ὕδωρ̣ καὶ ἀλείμματα· ἡ δὲ δημοθοινία [60] [γε]νέσθω ἐν τῷ γυμνασίωι ἐπάναγκ̣ες· παραθέτωσαν δὲ οἱ ἐπιμε- [61] [λητ]αὶ πάντως δεῖπνον ἀδάπανον τοῖς ἐν τῷ τρικλείνωι καὶ ἄνθη· παρατιθέ- [62] τωσαν <δὲ> τἄλλα μὲν θυθέντα, [τ]ὰ <δὲ> δέρματα ἀποδόμενοι παραχρῆμα κατα- [63] ναλισκέτωσαν παραχρῆμα καὶ ταῦτα ἐν τόπῳ· διδότωσαν δὲ [64] [οἱ] ἐπιμεληταὶ τῶν ἐφήβων ἑκάστῳ αὐ̣[τ]ῶν ὑὸς κ[ρε]ῶν μνᾶν· τὰ δ[ὲ] [65] [παρ]ατιθέμενα ἅπαντα ἔστω ἀποφορητὰ [ἀπὸ] τ[ο]ῦ τρικλίνου· ὑπο- [66] [τι]θέσθωσαν δὲ οἱ ἐπιμεληταὶ ἀπὸ [το]ῦ [ἀργ]υρίου εἰς τὴν ἐχομένη[ν] [67] [ἡμ]έραν τιμὴν οἴνου μετρητῶν ἐννέα, καὶ πα[ρατιθ]έ̣τωσαν τήν τε διακον[ί]- [68] [αν] πᾶσαν κατὰ ταὐτὰ τῇ ἐχομένῃ ἡμέραι καὶ [τ]ὸν οἶνον· παρεχέτωσαν [69] δὲ̣ οἱ ἐπιμελητ̣[α]ὶ καὶ τραγήματα ἀμφοτέρας τὰς ἡμέρας καὶ τὴν δ[η]- [70] μ̣οθοινίαν συντελείτωσαν ἐν τῷ γυμνασίωι, σιτομετρείτωσαν δ[ὲ] [71] [οἱ] ἐπιμεληταὶ ὠνησάμενοι σῖτον πύρινον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀργυρίου, διδόν- [72] [τ]ε̣ς τῇ προτεραίᾳ τοῖς τε πολίταις τοῖς ἐπιδημοῦσιν καὶ παροίκοις [73] [κ]αὶ ξένοις τοῖς παρεπιδημοῦσιν τῶν μὲν ἀνδρῶν ἑκάστῳ χοίνικα, [74] [τ]ῶν δὲ παίδων ἥμισυ χοίνικος. {²C}² ὅπως δὲ καὶ ὁ ἀγὼν γίνηται, οἱ ἐπιμελη- [75] [τ]αὶ τῇ νουμηνίαι σφαξάτ̣ωσαν ἅμα τῇ ἡμέραι κριὸν ὡς βέλτιστον πρὸς [76] [τ]ῷ ἀγάλματι ὧι ἂν στήσῃ Κριτόλαος τοῦ υἱοῦ Ἀλεξιμάχου καὶ πα̣[ρα]- [77] [θέ]τωσαν παράθεσιν ἐκ πυρῶν ἡμιέκτων τεσάρων καὶ τοῦ κριοῦ τὰ κρέα [78] [ὁλο]μελῆ ἀποζέσαντες παρατιθέτωσαν τῷ ἀγάλματι κ̣αὶ τὴν παράθεσιν· [79] [τῇ] δὲ δευτέραι συντελείτωσαν τὸν ἀγῶν<α> μετὰ τοῦ γυμνασιάρχου [80] καταναλίσκοντες εἰς τὰ ἔπαθλα τόν τε κριὸν ὅλον καὶ τῆς παραθέ- [81] σ̣εως̣ τὰ ἡμίση, τὰ δὲ ἡμίση ἔστω <τῶν> πρυτάνεων καὶ τῶν ἐπιμελητῶν· τιθέ- [82] τωσαν δὲ τὰ ἆθλα πάντα τιθέντες παίδων καὶ ἀνδρῶν κατὰ τὸν γημνασι- [83] [αρ]χι[κ]ὸν νόμον· πανκράτιον δὲ μὴ τιθέτωσαν, ἀλλ’ ἀνακηρυσσέσθω νικῶν [84] [Ἀ]λεξίμαχος Κριτολάου]. ὅπως δὲ καὶ λαμπὰς γίνηται παίδων καὶ ἀνδρῶν, [85] [ἐπι]μελείσθω ὁ γυμνασιάρχος τάσσων, ὡς ἂν αὐτῷ φαίνηται, καὶ ἐπανα[γ]- [86] κάζων τρέχειν τοὺς νεωτέρους τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων ἐτῶν πάντας. [87] {²D}² πρὸ τοῦ δὲ τὸν ἀγῶνα συντε<λεσ>θῆναι, οἱ ἐπιμεληταὶ λόγον ἀποδότωσαν [88] [τ]ῆ̣ς δαπάνης, γράψαντες εἰς σανίδας τοῖς τε πρυτάνεσι καὶ τῷ γυμ- [89] νασιάρχωι, οἱ δὲ ἐκτιθέτωσαν σκοπεῖν τῶι βουλομένωι, καὶ ὀμοσά- [90] [τ]ωσαν οἱ ἐπιμεληταὶ τόνδε τὸν ὅρκον· “ὀμνύομεν Δία Ποσειδῶ Δήμητρα· [91] ἐδαπανήσαμεν τὸ ἀργύριον πᾶν τὸ ἀπ[ο]τεταγμέ[ν]ον [ε]ἴς τ[ε] τὴν δημο- [92] [θο]ινίαν καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα ἀφειρημένης τιμῆς οἴνου [με]τρητῶν ἐννέα, καὶ [93] [ο]ὐ νοσφισόμεθα οὐθέν, καὶ καταστήσομ[εν] ἐπιμελητὴν τῶν {ἐν τοῖς} ε[ὐ]ερ̣- [94] [γε]τῶν καὶ ἀλειτουργήτων τὸν εὐπορώτατον, ὅπω[ς ἂν κ]αὶ κράτιστα λει- [95] [το]υργήσηι̣. εὐορκοῦντι μὲν εὖ εἶναι, ἐπιορκοῦντι δὲ τ̣ἀ̣ναντία”· ὅταν δὲ ὀμό- [96] [σω]σι[ν], ἑλέσθωσαν οἱ ἐπιμεληταὶ ἐπιμελ[η]τὰ[ς] μεὶ νε[ωτ]έ[ρου]ς ἐτῶν τριακό[ν]- [97] [τα] καὶ μὴ ἔχοντας ἄλλην λειτουργίαν πολιτικήν· οἱ δ[ὲ] ἁιρεθέντες διοι- [98] [κε]ίτωσαν κατὰ τὰ προγεγραμμέν[α] ἐν τῷ νόμω[ι καὶ π]αραλαμβάνοντε[ς] [99] [τὸ] ἀργύριον τὸ πῖπτον ἐν τεῖ βουλεῖ ἀναγρ[α]φέσ̣θ̣ωσαν· τοὺς δὲ αἱρεθέν- [100] [τ]ας ὁ γραμματεὺς ἀναγραψάτω, [ἀ]νακηρυσσέ[τω δὲ ὁ κῆρ]υξ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀ- [101] [γῶ]νος παραχρῆμα, ὅτι στεφανοῦσιν οἱ π̣ρ̣ε[σβ]ύτ̣ε̣ρ̣οι [κ]α̣ὶ οἱ ἔ̣φηβοι καὶ οἱ [102] [νέ]οι πάντε̣ς Ἀλεξίμαχ[ο]ν Κριτολάου ἀρετῆς ἕ̣νε̣κ̣α̣ καὶ εὐταξίας ἧς [103] [ἔχ]ων διετέλε̣ι̣. {²E}² ὅπως δὲ καὶ ἡ θυσία γίν[η]ται [εἰς τὸν] ἀ[ε]ὶ χρόνο[ν], οἱ πρυ- [104] [τάν]εις οἱ πρυτανεύοντες τὸμ μῆνα τὸν ταυ[ρ]ε[ῶ]να θυέτωσαν αἶγα τ̣ῇ̣ [105] [αὐτῇ] ἡμέρ̣αι, ὅταν καὶ Ἐπικράτει θύωσι, λαμβάνοντες καὶ τοῦτο τὸ [106] [ἀποτ]εταγμένον παρὰ τῶν ταμιῶν, καὶ οἱ ταμίαι ἐπάναγκες διδότω- [107] [σαν]. {²F}² ἐὰν δέ τις ὠνήσηται τὰς ὀφειλούσας ὑπ[οθ]ή̣κας ἢ ὑποθῆται, καθ’ ὃν [108] [εἴρη]ται τ̣ρ̣όπον φερέτω τὸν τόκον καταβάλλων [ἐν τεῖ βουλ]εῖ τοῦ Ἀπα- [109] [του]ριῶνος μηνὸς ὁ ἔχων τὴν ὑποθήκην· ἐὰν δὲ μὴ φέρῃ, μισθούσθω ἡ ὑ- [110] [πο]θήκη κατὰ τὰ αὐτά· τοῦ δὲ ἀρχαίου μη̣[δ]έπ[ο]τε ἔστω ἡ καταβολή, ἡ [111] [δ]ὲ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ ἄρχων καὶ οἱ ταμίαι, ὅταν πράξωσ[ι]ν τ[ὸ ἀ]ργύριον, διδότω- [112] [σ]αν παραχρῆμα ἐν τεῖ βουλεῖ τοῖς ἐπιμεληταῖς τοῖς κατασταθεῖσιν, [113] καὶ ὁ γραμματεὺς ἀναγραψάτω τούς τε καταβαλόντας καὶ πόσ[ο]ν [114] [ἕ]καστ[ος] κατέβαλεν καὶ τοὺς λαμβάν[οντ]α[ς τῶν ἐπιμε]λητῶν καὶ πό- [115] [σ]ον λαμβάνουσιν· τῇ δὲ βουλῇ [μὴ] ἐξέστω πρότερον χρηματίσαι μ[η]- [116] [θ]έν, μηδὲ ὁ ἐπιστάτης προτιθέτω, ἐὰν μὴ πράξωσιν τὸν τόκον παρὰ [117] τῶν ὀφειλόντων τοῦτο τὸ ἀργύριον· ἐὰν δέ τις ἐπιμελητὴς αἱρεθεὶς καὶ [118] [λ]αβὼν τὸ ἀργύριον μὴ συντελέσῃ τὴν λειτουργίαν, ἀποδότω δρα- [119] [χ]μὰς χιλίας τῷ δημοσίωι, καὶ ὁ πράκτωρ αὐτὰ πραξάτ[ω· εἰ δὲ] μή, ὑπόδι- [120] [κο]ς ἔστω τῷ βουλομένωι· ἐὰν δέ τις αἱρεθεὶς καὶ λαβ̣[ὼν τὸ] ἀργύριον [121] [τ]ελευτήσῃ, οἱ κληρονόμοι αὐτοῦ ἀποδιδότωσαν [τὸ] ἀργύριον ἐν τῇ [122] [πρώ]τῃ [ἐ]κκλησίαι, ἀφ’ οὗ ἂν τελευτήσῃ, ὁ δὲ δῆμο[ς κα]ὶ τ[ὸ] κ̣ε̣φάλαι[ο]ν καὶ τὸ [123] [ἀ]ργύριον τὸ καταβληθὲν διδότω παραχρῆμα τῷ δημ̣οσ̣ίωι. {²G}² τὸ δὲ ἀ[ρ]- [124] [χα]ῖον τὸ ἐπιδεδομένον ὑπὸ Κριτολάου ε[ἰς] ταῦτα μ̣ὴ̣ ἐξέστω με- [125] [τα]θεῖναι εἰς ἄλλο μηθέν· ἐὰν δέ τις εἴπῃ ε̣ἲ ἐπιψ̣ηφίσ̣ῃ ἢ ὁ ἐπιστάτης εἲ [126] [οἱ π]ρόεδροι προθῶσιν εἲ ὁ γραμματεὺς γράψῃ εἲ ἀναγνῷ, ὡς δε[ῖ] ταῦτα [127] [τ]ὰ χρήματα εἰς ἄλλο τι καταχωρισθῆναι εἲ καὶ [ἄ]λλου μετακινηθῆ- [128] [ν]α[ί] τι τῶν ἐν τῶι νόμωι γεγραμμένων, ὁ τούτων τι ποιήσας ἄτιμος [129] [ἔσ]τω καὶ ἡ οὐσία αὐτοῦ δημοσία· γράφε̣σθ̣[ω] δὲ ὁ βουλομένος Αἰγιαλέω[ν] [130] [οἷ]ς ἔξεστιν πρὸς τὸν θεσμοθέτην ἐπὶ τῶι ἡμίσει. {²H}² τὸν δὲ νόμον τόνδ[ε] [131] [ε]ἶν[αι κύριον] εἰς τὸν πάντα χρόνον, καὶ ὁ γραμματεὺς αὐτὸν ἀναγ[ρα]- [132] [ψ]άτω εἰς τὰ δημόσια γράμματα πάντα καὶ εἰς τὰς δέλτους, οὗ οἱ [νόμοι] [133] [ε]ἰσ̣ὶν ἀναγ[εγ]ραμ[μ]ένοι, ἀναγραψάτω δὲ καὶ Κριτόλαος εἰστήλην καὶ [134] [στ]ησάτω, [οὗ] ἂν καὶ τὸν ἀνδριάντα ἱστᾶι. |
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| BIBLIOGRAPHY Bömmer (1952). RE, s.v. Pompa. Herrscher, Vol. XXI.2, p. 1963, n. 266. Chaniotis, A., Corsten, T., Stroud, R. S. and Tybout, R. A., eds., (2007). Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. 53, 906bis. Leiden – Boston. Decker, W. (1995). Sport in der griechischen Antike: Vom minoischen Wettkampf bis zu den Olympischen Spielen. München: C. H. Beck, 59-60. Gauthier, P. (1980). “Études sur des inscriptions d’Amorgos”. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 104(1): 197-220. Kyle, D. G. (2007). Sport and spectacle in the ancient world. Malden, MA – Oxford: Blackwell, 233. Laum, B. (1914). Stiftungen in der griechischen und römischen Antike: Ein Beitrag zur Kulturgeschichte, I-II. Leipzig– Berlin: Teubner. Roller, L. E. (1981). “Funeral games for historical persons”. Stadion. Internationale Zeitschrift für Geschichte des Sports 7: 1–18. Sokolowski, F. (1969). Lois sacrées des cités grecques. Paris: Éditions de Boccard. Thür, G., and Fernández Nieto, F. J. (2003). Symposion 1999: Vorträge zur griechischen und hellenistischen Rechtsgeschichte (Pazo de Mariñan, La Coruña, 6.-9. September 1999). Köln: Böhlau. |
Tag
πομπεύω
Antiochus IV Epiphanes’ pompe in Daphne
| TITLE Antiochus IV Epiphanes’ pompe in Daphne |
| DATE Summer, 166 BCE |
| TEXT Gulick 1928, 381-387 (Athen. Deipn. 194C-195F). [194] [c] ὁ δ᾽ αὐτὸς οὗτος βασιλεὺς ἀκούσας τοὺς ἐν τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ συντετελεσμένους ἀγῶνας ὑπὸ Αἰμιλίου Παύλου τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ, βουλόμενος τῇ μεγαλοεργίᾳ ὑπερᾶραι τὸν Παῦλον ἐξέπεμψε πρέσβεις καὶ θεωροὺς εἰς τὰς πόλεις καταγγελοῦντας τοὺς ἐσομένους ἀγῶνας ὑπὸ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ Δάφνης· ὡς πολλὴν γενέσθαι τῶν Ἑλλήνων σπουδὴν εἰς τὴν ὡς αὐτὸν ἄφιξιν. ἀρχὴν δ᾽ ἐποιήσατο τῆς πανηγύρεως τὴν πομπείαν οὕτως ἐπιτελεσθεῖσαν. [d] καθηγοῦντό τινες Ῥωμαικὸν ἔχοντες καθοπλισμὸν ἐν θώραξιν ἀλυσιδωτοῖς, ἄνδρες ἀκμάζοντες ταῖς ἡλικίαις πεντακισχίλιοι· μεθ᾽ οὓς Μυσοὶ πεντακισχίλιοι. συνεχεῖς δ᾽ ἦσαν Κίλικες εἰς τὸν τῶν εὐζώνων τρόπον καθωπλισμένοι τρισχίλιοι, χρυσοῦς ἔχοντες στεφάνους. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις Θρᾷκες τρισχίλιοι καὶ Γαλάται πεντακισχίλιοι. τούτοις ἐπέβαλλον Μακεδόνες δισμύριοι, χρυσάσπιδες μὲν μύριοι καὶ χαλκάσπιδες πεντακισχίλιοι, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ἀργυράσπιδες· οἷς ἐπηκολούθει μονομάχων ζεύγη διακόσια τεσσαράκοντα. [e] τούτων κατόπιν ἦσαν ἱππεῖς Νισαῖοι μὲν χίλιοι, πολιτικοὶ δὲ τρισχίλιοι, ὧν οἱ μὲν πλείους ἦσαν χρυσοφάλαροι καὶ χρυσοστέφανοι, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι ἀργυροφάλαροι. μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἦσαν οἱ λεγόμενοι ἑταῖροι ἱππεῖς· οὗτοι δὲ ἦσαν εἰς χιλίους, πάντες χρυσοφάλαροι. τούτοις συνεχὲς ἦν τὸ τῶν φίλων σύνταγμα, ἴσον καὶ κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ κατὰ τὸν κόσμον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ἐπίλεκτοι χίλιοι, οἷς ἐπηκολούθει τὸ καλούμενον ἄγημα, κράτιστον εἶναι δοκοῦν σύστημα τῶν ἱππέων, περὶ χιλίους. [f] τελευταία δ᾽ ἦν ἡ κατάφρακτος ἵππος, οἰκείως τῇ προσηγορία τῶν ἵππων καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐσκεπασμένων τοῖς ὅπλοις· ἦσαν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ χίλιοι καὶ πεντακόσιοι. πάντες δ᾽ οἱ προειρημένοι εἶχον πορφυρᾶς ἐφαπτίδας, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ διαχρύσους καὶ ζῳωτάς. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ἕξιππα μὲν ἦν ἑκατόν, τέθριππα δὲ τεσσαράκοντα· ἔπειτα ἐλεφάντων ἅρμα καὶ συνωρίς· [195] [a] καθ᾽ ἕνα δὲ εἵποντο ἐλέφαντες διεσκευασμένοι τριάκοντα καὶ ἕξ. Τὴν δ᾽ ἄλλην πομπὴν λέγειν ἐστὶ δυσέφικτον, ὡς ἐν κεφαλαίῳ δὲ λεκτέον. ἔφηβοι μὲν γὰρ ἐπόμπευσαν εἰς ὀκτακοσίους, χρυσοῦς ἔχοντες στεφάνους, βόες δ᾽ εὐτραφεῖς περὶ χιλίους, θεωρίδες δὲ βραχὺ λείπουσαι τριακοσίων, ἐλεφάντων δὲ ὀδόντες ὀκτακόσιοι. τὸ δὲ τῶν ἀγαλμάτων πλῆθος οὐ δυνατὸν ἐξηγήσασθαι· πάντων γὰρ τῶν παρ᾽ ἀνθρώποις λεγομένων ἢ νομιζομένων θεῶν ἢ δαιμόνων, προσέτι δὲ ἡρώων εἴδωλα διήγετο, τὰ μὲν κεχρυσωμένα, τὰ δ᾽ ἠμφιεσμένα στολαῖς διαχρύσοις. καὶ πᾶσι τούτοις οἱ προσήκοντες μῦθοι κατὰ τὰς παραδεδομένας ἱστορίας ἐν διασκευαῖς πολυτελέσι παρέκειντο. [b] εἵπετο δ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ Νυκτὸς εἴδωλον καὶ ῾ Ἡμέρας, Γῆς τε καὶ Οὐρανοῦ, καὶ Ἠοῦς καὶ Μεσημβρίας. τὸ δὲ τῶν χρυσωμάτων καὶ ἀργυρωμάτων πλῆθος οὕτως ἄν τις ὑπονοήσειεν ὅσον ἦν· ἑνὸς γὰρ τῶν φίλων Διονυσίου τοῦ ἐπιστολιαγράφου χίλιοι παῖδες ἐπόμπευσαν ἀργυρώματα ἔχοντες, ὧν οὐδὲν ἐλάττον᾽ ὁλκὴν εἶχεν δραχμῶν χιλίων. βασιλικοὶ δὲ παῖδες παρῆλθον ἑξακόσιοι χρυσώματα ἔχοντες. ἔπειτα γυναῖκες ἐκ χρυσῶν καλπίδων μύροις ἔρραινον εἰς διακοσίας. [c] ταύταις δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἐπόμπευον ἐν χρυσόποσι μὲν φορείοις ὀγδοήκοντα γυναῖκες, ἐν ἀργυρόποσι δὲ πεντακόσιαι καθήμεναι, πολυτελῶς διεσκευασμέναι. καὶ τῆς μὲν πομπῆς τὰ ἐπιφανέστατα ταῦτα ἦν. ἐπιτελεσθέντων δὲ τῶν ἀγώνων καὶ μονομαχιῶν καὶ κυνηγεσίων κατὰ τριάκονθ᾽ ἡμέρας· ἐν αἷς τὰς θέας συνετέλει, πέντε μὲν τὰς πρώτας ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ πάντες ἐκ χρυσῶν ὁλκείων ἠλείφοντο κροκίνῳ μύρῳ· [d] ἦν δὲ ταῦτα πεντεκαίδεκα, καὶ κινναμωμίνου τὰ ἴσα καὶ ναρδίνου. παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἑξῆς εἰσεφέρετο τήλινον, ἀμαράκινον, ἴρινον, πάντα διαφέροντα ταῖς εὐωδίαις. ἔστρωτο δὲ εἰς εὐωχίαν ποτὲ μὲν χίλια τρίκλινα, ποτὲ δὲ χίλια πεντακόσια μετὰ τῆς πολυτελεστάτης διασκευῆς. ὁ δὲ χειρισμὸς ἐγίνετο τῶν πραγμάτων δι᾽ αὐτοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως. ἵππον γὰρ ἔχων εὐτελῆ παρέτρεχε παρὰ τὴν πομπήν, τοὺς μὲν προάγειν κελεύων, τοὺς δὲ ἐπέχειν. [e] κατὰ δὲ τοὺς πότους αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὰς εἰσόδους ἐφιστάμενος οὓς μὲν εἰσῆγεν, οὓς δ᾽ ἀνέκλινε, καὶ τοὺς διακόνους δὲ τοὺς τὰς παραθέσεις φέροντας αὐτὸς εἰσῆγε. καὶ περιπορευόμενος οὗ μὲν προσεκάθιζεν, οὗ δὲ προσανέπιπτε· καί ποτε μὲν ἀποθέμενος μεταξὺ τὸν ψωμόν, ποτὲ δὲ τὸ ποτήριον, ἀνεπήδα καὶ μετανίστατο καὶ περιῄει τὸν πότον προπόσεις λαμβάνων ὀρθὸς ἄλλοτε παρ᾽ ἄλλοις, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἀκροάμασι προσπαίζων. [f] προιούσης δ’ ἐπὶ πολὺ τῆς συνουσίας καὶ πολλῶν ἤδη κεχωρισμένων ὑπὸ τῶν μίμων ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰσεφέρετο ὅλος συγκεκαλυμμένος καὶ εἰς τὴν γῆν ἐτίθετο ὡς εἷς ὢν δῆτα τῶν μίμων· καὶ τῆς συμφωνίας προκαλουμένης ἀναπηδήσας γυμνὸς ὠρχεῖτο καὶ ὑπεκρίνετο μετὰ τῶν γελωτοποιῶν, ὥστε πάντας αἰσχυνομένους φεύγειν. ταῦτα δὲ πάντα συνετελέσθη ἐξ ὧν τὰ μὲν ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐνοσφίσατο παρασπονδήσας τὸν Φιλομήτορα βασιλέα παιδίσκον ὄντα, τὰ δὲ καὶ τῶν φίλων συμβαλλομένων. ἱεροσυλήκει δὲ καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ἱερῶν. Paton 1968, 144-146 (Plb. 30.25. 1-19). [1] ‘O δ᾽ αὐτὸς οὗτος βασιλεὺς ἀκούσας τοὺς ἐν τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ συντετελεσμένους ἀγῶνας ὑπὸ Αἰμιλίου Παύλου τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ, βουλόμενος τῇ μεγαλοδωρίᾳ ὑπερᾶραι τὸν Παῦλον ἐξέπεμψε πρέσβεις καὶ θεωροὺς εἰς τὰς πόλεις καταγγελοῦντας τοὺς ἐσομένους ἀγῶνας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ Δάφνης, ὡς πολλὴν γενέσθαι τῶν Ἑλλήνων [2] σπουδὴν εἰς τὴν ὡς αὐτὸν ἄφιξιν. ἀρχὴν δ᾽ ἐποιήσατο τῆς πανηγύρεως τὴν πομπείαν οὕτως [3] ἐπιτελεσθεῖσαν. καθηγοῦντό τινες Ῥωμαϊκὸν ἔχοντες καθοπλισμὸν ἐν θώραξιν ἁλυσιδωτοῖς, ἄνδρες ἀκμάζοντες ταῖς ἡλικίαις πεντακισχίλιοι· [4] μεθ᾽ οὓς Μυσοὶ πεντακισχίλιοι. συνεχεῖς δ᾽ ἦσαν Κίλικες εἰς τὸν τῶν εὐζώνων τρόπον καθωπλισμένοι τρισχίλιοι, χρυσοῦς ἔχοντες στεφάνους. [5] ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις Θρᾷκες τρισχίλιοι καὶ Γαλάται πεντακισχίλιοι. τούτοις ἐπέβαλλον Μακεδόνες δισμύριοι καὶ χαλκάσπιδες πεντακισχίλιοι, ἄλλοι δὲ ἀργυράσπιδες, οἷς ἐπηκολούθει μονομάχων [6] ζεύγη διακόσια τετταράκοντα. τούτων κατόπιν ἦσαν ἱππεῖς Νισαῖοι μὲν χίλιοι πολιτικοὶ δὲ τρισχίλιοι, ὧν οἱ μὲν πλείους ἦσαν χρυσοφάλαροι [7] καὶ χρυσοστέφανοι, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι ἀργυροφάλαροι. μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἦσαν οἱ λεγόμενοι Ἑταῖροι ἱππεῖς· οὗτοι δὲ ἦσαν εἰς χιλίους, πάντες χρυσο- [8] φάλαροι. τούτοις συνεχὲς ἦν τὸ τῶν φίλων σύνταγμα, ἴσον καὶ κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ κατὰ τὸν κόσμον. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ἐπίλεκτοι χίλιοι, οἷς ἐπηκολούθει τὸ καλούμενον ἄγημα, κράτιστον [9] εἶναι δοκοῦν σύστημα τῶν ἱππέων, περὶ χιλίους. τελευταία δ᾽ ἦν ἡ κατάφρακτος ἵππος, οἰκείως τῇ προσηγορίᾳ τῶν ἵππων καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐσκεπασμένων τοῖς ὅπλοις: ἦσαν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ χίλιοι καὶ [10] πεντακόσιοι. πάντες δ᾽ οἱ προειρημένοι εἶχον πορφυρᾶς ἐφαπτίδας, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ διαχρύσους [11] καὶ ζῳωτάς. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ἕξιππα μὲν ἦν ἑκατόν, τέθριππα δὲ τετταράκοντα, ἔπειτα ἐλεφάντων ἅρμα καὶ συνωρίς. καθ᾽ ἕνα δὲ εἵποντο ἐλέφαντες διεσκευασμένοι τριάκοντα καὶ ἕξ. [12] Τὴν δ᾽ ἄλλην πομπὴν λέγειν ἐστὶ δυσέφικτον, ὡς ἐν κεφαλαίῳ δὲ λεκτέον. ἔφηβοι μὲν γὰρ ἐπόμπευσαν εἰς ὀκτακοσίους, χρυσοῦς ἔχοντες στεφάνους, βόες δ᾽ εὐτραφεῖς περὶ χιλίους, θεωρικαὶ δὲ βραχὺ λείπουσαι τριακοσίων, ἐλεφάντων [13] δὲ ὀδόντες ὀκτακόσιοι. τὸ δὲ τῶν ἀγαλμάτων πλῆθος οὐ δυνατὸν ἐξηγήσασθαι· πάντων γὰρ τῶν παρ᾽ ἀνθρώποις λεγομένων ἢ νομιζομένων θεῶν ἢ δαιμόνων, προσέτι δὲ ἡρώων εἴδωλα διήγετο, τὰ μὲν κεχρυσωμένα, τὰ δ᾽ ἠμφιεσμένα [14] στολαῖς διαχρύσοις. καὶ πᾶσι τούτοις οἱ προσήκοντες μῦθοι κατὰ τὰς παραδεδομένας ἱστορίας [15] ἐν διασκευαῖς πολυτελέσι παρέκειντο. εἵπετο δ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ Νυκτὸς εἴδωλον καὶ Ἡμέρας, Γῆς τε [16] καὶ Οὐρανοῦ, καὶ Ἠοῦς καὶ Μεσημβρίας. τὸ δὲ τῶν χρυσωμάτων καὶ ἀργυρωμάτων πλῆθος οὕτως ἄν τις ὑπονοήσειεν ὅσον ἦν· ἑνὸς γὰρ τῶν φίλων, Διονυσίου τοῦ ἐπιστολιαγράφου, χίλιοι παῖδες ἐπόμπευσαν ἀργυρώματα ἔχοντες, ὧν οὐδὲν [17] ἐλάττον᾽ ὁλκὴν εἶχεν δραχμῶν χιλίων. βασιλικοὶ δὲ παῖδες παρῆλθον ἑξακόσιοι χρυσώματα ἔχοντες. ἔπειτα γυναῖκες ἐκ χρυσῶν καλπίδων [18] μύροις ἔρραινον, εἰς διακοσίας. ταύταις δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἐπόμπευον ἐν χρυσόποσι μὲν φορείοις ὀγδοήκοντα γυναῖκες, <ἐν> ἀργυρόποσι δὲ πεντακόσιαι καθ- [19] ήμεναι, πολυτελῶς διεσκευασμέναι. καὶ τῆς μὲν πομπῆς τὰ ἐπιφανέστατα ταῦτα ἦν. |
| TRANSLATION Gulick 1928, 381-387 (Athen. Deipn. 194C-195F). This same king, hearing about the games instituted in Macedonia by Aemilius Paulus, the Roman general, and wishing to outdo Paulus in magnificence, dispatched envoys and delegates to the cities to proclaim the games which were to be given by him near Daphne; hence great interest arose on the part of the Greeks in meeting him. As a beginning to the meeting he got up a parade which was carried out in the following manner. It was led by certain men in the prime of their youth, five thousand in number, who wore Roman armour of chain-mail; after them came five thousand Mysians; close to these were three thousand Cilicians equipped in the fashion of light-armed troops, and wearing gold crowns. After these came three thousand Thracians and five thousand Celts. These were followed by twenty thousand Macedonians, ten thousand of them with gold shields, five thousand with bronze shields, and the rest with silver shields; close upon these came two hundred and forty pairs of gladiators. Behind them were one thousand Nisaean horsemen and three thousand citizen soldiers, of whom the majority wore gold cheek-coverings and gold crowns, the rest had cheek-coverings of silver. After them came the so-called “mounted companions”: there were about a thousand of these, all with gold cheek-pieces. Next to these was the division made up of his friends, equal in number and in beauty of equipment. After them were a thousand picked men, followed by the so-called Agema (“Guard”), which has the reputation of being the best organization of horsemen, numbering about a thousand. Last of all was the armoured cavalry, both horses and men being completely covered with armour in accordance with their name. They numbered alone one thousand five hundred. And all these mentioned wore purple cloaks, many also cloaks woven with gold and embroidered with figures. After them were a hundred chariots drawn by six horses, and forty drawn by four horses; next a chariot drawn by four elephants, and another by a pair of elephants; and in single file followed thirty-six caparisoned elephants. It would be difficult to pursue the description of the rest of the procession, and it must be described summarily. Young men who had just come of age, to the number of eight hundred, and wearing gold crowns, marched in the line; fatted oxen, about one thousand; sacrificial tables, little short of three hundred; elephants’ tusks, eight hundred. It is not possible to enumerate the quantity of sacred images; for statues of all beings who are said or held to be gods, demigods, or even heroes among mankind were borne along, some gilded, others draped in garments of gold thread. And beside all of them lay the sacred myths pertaining to each, according to the traditional accounts, in sumptuous editions. They were followed by representations of Night and Day, Earth and Heaven, and Dawn and Noon. One might guess how great was the number of gold and silver vessels in the following way: of only one of the king’s friends, the secretary Dionysius, one thousand slaves marched in the procession carrying silver vessels, none of which weighed less than a thousand drachms. Then came six hundred royal slaves with gold vessels. After them nearly two hundred women sprinkled scented oil from gold pitchers. Close upon these in the procession were eighty women seated in litters having gold supports, and five hundred in litters with silver supports, all richly dressed. These were the most conspicuous features of the parade. The games, gladiatorial contests, and hunts took thirty days to conclude; during the first five days in which spectacles were carried out, all persons in the gymnasium anointed themselves with saffron oil from golden basins; these numbered fifteen, and there was an equal number of bowls with oil of cinnamon and nard. Similarly there were brought in, on the succeeding days, oil of fenugreek, marjoram, and orris, all of them rare in their fragrance. For a banquet on one occasion there were spread a thousand triclinia, on another fifteen hundred, with the most extravagant deckings. The management of these matters was undertaken by the king himself. Riding on a poor horse, he ran up and down the procession, commanding one division to advance, another to halt. At the symposia he stood at the entrance introducing some, assigning couches to others, and he himself brought in the servants who carried in the dishes served. And going round he would seat himself in one place, or throw himself down in another. At one moment he would throw aside a morsel or a cup just as he had put them to his lips, and jumping up suddenly, he would change his place or walk round among the drinkers, receiving toasts standing sometimes by one, sometimes by another, at the same time laughing at the entertainments. When the party had been going on a long time and many had already withdrawn, the king was brought in by the mime-performers entirely wrapped up, and deposited on the ground as though he were one of the performers. When the symphony sounded the challenge, he would leap up and dance naked and act with the clowns, so that every one departed in shame. All these celebrations were paid for partly from funds which he had appropriated in Egypt when he broke his treaty with King Ptomely Philometor, who was then a lad, and partly from contributions by his friends. He had also plundered most of the temples. Paton 1968, 144-147 (Plb. 30.25. 1-19). This same king when he heard of the games celebrated in Macedonia by Aemilius Paullus the Roman general, ambitious of surpassing Paullus in magnificence sent out embassies and sacred missions to the towns to announce the games he was about to give at Daphne, so that people in Greece were very eager to visit Antioch then. The festival opened with a procession composed as follows: It was headed by five thousand men in the prime of life armed after the Roman fashion and wearing breastplates of chain-armour. Next came five thousand Mysians, and immediately behind them three thousand Cilicians armed in the manner of light infantry, wearing gold crowns. Next came three thousand Thracians and five thousand Gauls. They were followed by twenty thousand Macedonians of whom ten thousand bore golden shields, five thousand brazen shields and the rest silver shields. Next marched two hundred and fifty pairs of gladiators, and behind them a thousand horsemen from Nisa and three thousand from Antioch itself, most of whom had crowns and trappings of gold and the rest trappings of silver. Next to these came the so-called “companion cavalry,” numbering about a thousand, all with gold trappings, and next the regiment of “royal friends” of equal number and similarly accoutred; next a thousand picked horse followed by the so-called “agema,” supposed to be the crack cavalry corps, numbering about a thousand. Last of all marched the “cataphract” or mailed horse, the horses and men being armed in complete mail, as the name indicated. Of these too there were about fifteen hundred. All the above wore purple surcoats in many cases embroidered with gold and heraldic designs. Next came a hundred chariots drawn by six horses and forty drawn by four horses, and then a chariot drawn by four elephants and another drawn by a pair, and finally thirty-six elephants in single file with their housings. It is a difficult task to describe the rest of the procession but I must attempt to give its main features. About eight hundred young men wearing gold crowns made part of it as well as about a thousand fat cattle and nearly three hundred cows presented by the various sacred missions and eight hundred ivory tusks. The vast quantity of images it is impossible to enumerate. For representations of all the gods and spirits mentioned or worshipped by men and of all the heroes were carried along, some gilded and others draped in garments embroidered with gold, and they were all accompanied by representations executed in precious materials of the myths relating to them as traditionally narrated. Behind them came images of Night and Day, of Earth and Heaven, and of Dawn and Midday. The quantity of gold and silver plate may be estimated from what follows. The slaves of one of the royal “friends,” Dionysius, the private secretary, marched along carrying articles of silver plate none of them weighing less than a thousand drachmae, and six hundred of the king’s own slaves went by bearing articles of gold plate. Next there were about two hundred women sprinkling the crowd with perfumes from golden urns, and these were followed by eighty women seated in litters with golden feet and five hundred in litters with silver feet, all richly dressed. Such were the more remarkable features of the procession. |
| BIBLIOGRAPHY Balasch Recort, M. (1983). Polibio. Historias. Libros XVI-XXXIX. Madrid: Biblioteca Clásica Gredos. Büttner-Wobst (1882-1904). Polybius. Histories. 5 vol. Lipsiae: Teubner. Calandra, E. (2022). Tutto il regno come su una scena. L’immaginario della panegyris di Antioco IV a Dafne. Sesto Fiorentino (FI), All’insegna del giglio s.a.s. Foertmeyer, V. (1988). “The dating of the pompe of Ptolemy II Philadelphus”. Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte 37(1): 90-104. Gulick, C. B. (1928). Athenaeus. The Deipnosophists. London: Willian Heinemann Ltd. Iossif, P. P. (2011). “Imago mundi: expression et représentation de l’idéologie royale séleucide. La procession de Daphné”. Electrum 18: 125-157. Paton, W. R., trans., (1968). Polybius. The Histories. Vol. 6. London: William Heinemann Ltd. Rodríguez Noriega Guillén, L., trans., (1998). Ateneo. Banquete de los eruditos. Vol. 3. Libros III-V. Madrid: Biblioteca Clásica Gredos. Strootman, R. (2014). “Royal processions: enacting the myth of Empire”. In: Courts and Elites in the Hellenistic Empires: The Near East After the Achaemenids, c. 330 to 30 BCE. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 247-264. Walbank, F. W. (1996). “Two Hellenistic processions: a matter of self-definition”. Scripta Classica Israelica 15: 119-130. Yonge, C. D., trans., (1854). Athenaeus of Naucratis. Deipnosophistae, 3 vol. London: Henry G. Bohn. |
Kaisareia of Gytheion
| TITLE Kaisareia of Gytheion |
| DATE 15 CE |
| TEXT SEG 11, 923 (see also SEG 11, 922). Edition of Oliver 1989, no. 15. [1] [- – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – – -] ἐπ̣ι̣τ̣ι̣θέτω [- – – – – – – -] [2] [ἐπὶ μὲν τὴν πρώτην θεοῦ Σεβαστοῦ Καίσ]α̣ρος τοῦ πατρός, ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν ἐκ̣ δ[ε]ξ̣ιῶ̣[ν] [3] [δευτέραν Ἰουλίας τῆς Σεβα]στῆς, ἐ̣π̣ὶ̣ δὲ τὴν τρίτην Αὐτοκράτορος Τιβερίου Κα[ίσα]- [4] [ρος τ]οῦ Σεβαστοῦ, τ̣[ὰ]ς̣ εἰκόνας παρεχούσης αὐτῷ τῆς πόλεως. Προτιθέσ[θω] [5] [δὲ κ]αὶ τράπεζα ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐν μέσῳ τῷ θεάτρῳ καὶ θυμιατήριον ἐπικείσθω κα[ὶ] [6] [ἐπι]θυέτωσαν πρὶν εἰσιέναι τὰ ἀκροάματα ὑπὲρ τῇς τῶν ἡγεμόνων σωτηρία[ς] [7] οἵ τε σύνεδροι καὶ αἱ συναρχίαι πᾶσαι. Ἀγέτω δὲ τὴν μὲν πρώτην ἡμέραν θεοῦ Καίσ[α]- [8] ρος θεοῦ υἱοῦ Σεβαστοῦ Σωτῆρος Ἐλευθερίου, τὴν δὲ δευτέραν Αὐτοκράτορος [Τι]- [9] βερίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ καὶ πατρὸς τῆς πατρίδος, τὴν δὲ τρίτην Ἰουλίας Σεβαστῆ[ς] [10] τῆς τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ πόλεως ἡμῶν Τύχης, τὴν δὲ τετάρτην Γερμανικοῦ Καίσαρος τῆς Ν[ί]- [11] κ̣η̣ς, τὴν δὲ πέμπτην Δρούσου Καίσαρος τῆς Ἀφροδείτης, τὴν δὲ ἕκτην Τίτου Κοϊνκτίο[υ] [12] Φ̣λαμενίνου καὶ ἐπιμελείσθω τῆς τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων εὐκοσμίας. Φερέ{ρε}τω δὲ καὶ πά̣- [13] σ̣ης τῆς μισθώσεως τῶν ἀκροαμάτων <καὶ> τῆς διοικήσεως τῶν ἱερῶν χρημάτων τὸν λόγον τῇ πόλ[ει] [14] μετὰ τὸν ἀγῶνα τῇ πρώτῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ· κἂν εὑρεθῇ νενοσφισμένος ἢ ψευδῶς λογογραφῶν ἐξελε[γ]- [15] χθείς, μηκέτι μηδεμίαν ἀρχὴν ἀρξάτω καὶ ἡ οὐσία αὐτοῦ δημευέσθω. Ὧν δ’ ἄν ποτε δημευθῇ τὰ ὄντα, [16] ταῦτα <τὰ> χρήματα ἱερὰ ἔστω καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν προσκοσμήματα ὑπὸ τῶν κατ’ ἔτος ἀρχόντων κατασκε[υ]- [17] αζέσθω. Ἐξέστω δὲ τῷ βουλομένῳ Γυθεατῶν παντὶ περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐκδικεῖν χρημάτων ἀθῴῳ ὄ̣[ν]- [18] τι. ᵛ Ἐπεισαγέτω δὲ ὁ ἀ̣γ̣ο̣ρ̣αׅνόμος μετὰ τὸ τὰς τῶν θεῶν καὶ ἡγεμόνων ἡμέρας τελέσαι τῶν θυ- [19] μελικῶν ἀγώνων ἄλ̣λα[ς δύ]ο̣ ἡμέρας τὰ ἀκροάματα, μίαν μὲν εἰς μνήμην Γαΐου Ἰουλίου Εὐρυκλέου[ς] [20] εὐεργέτου τοῦ ἔθνου̣ς καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἡμῶν ἐν πολλοῖς γενομένου, δευτέραν δὲ εἰς τειμὴν Γα [21] ΐου Ἰουλίου Λάκωνος κηδεμόνος τῆς τοῦ ἔθνους καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἡμῶν φυλακῆς καὶ σωτηρία[ς] [22] ὄντος. Ἀγέτω δὲ τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἀπὸ τῆς θεοῦ ἐν αἷς ἂν ᾖ δυνατὸν ἡμέραις αὐτῶι · ὅταν δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς̣ [23] ἐξίῃ, παραδιδότω τῷ ἀντιτυνχάνοντι ἀγορανόμωι διὰ γραφῆς δημοσίας τὰ εἰς τοὺς ἀγῶνας χρη[στή]- [24] ρ̣ια πάντα καὶ λαμβανέτω{ι} χειρόγραφον παρὰ τοῦ παραλαβόντος ἡ πόλις. Ὅταν ὁ ἀγορανόμος τοὺ[ς] [25] [ἀγῶ]νας ἄγῃ τοὺς θυμελικούς, πομπὴν στελλέτω ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ τοῦ Ἀσκληπιοῦ καὶ τῆς Ὑγιεία[ς], [26] πομπευόντων τῶν τε ἐφήβων καὶ τῶν νέων πάντων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολειτῶν ἐστεμμένων δάφν[ης] [27] στεφάνοις καὶ λευκὰ ἀμπεχομέν<ω>ν. Συμπομπευέτωσαν δὲ καὶ αἱ ἱεραὶ κόραι καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες ἐν [28] [τ]αῖς ἱεραῖς ἐσθῆσιν. Ὅταν δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ Καισάρηον ἡ πομπὴ παραγένηται, θυέτωσαν οἱ ἔφοροι ταῦ- [29] [ρ]ο̣ν ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ἡγεμόνων καὶ θεῶν σωτηρίας καὶ ἀῖδίου τῆς ἡγεμονίας αὐτῶν διαμονῆς κα[ὶ] [30] [θ]ύσαντες ἐπανανκασάτωσαν τά τε φιδείτια καὶ τὰς συναρχίας ἐν ἀγορᾷ θυσιάσαι. Εἰ δὲ ἢ μὴ τε- [31] [λ]έσουσιν τὴν πομπὴν ἢ μὴ θύσουσιν ἢ θύσαντες μὴ ἐπανανκάσουσι θυσιάζειν ἐν ἀγορᾷ τὰ [32] [φ]ιδείτια καὶ τὰς συναρχίας, ἐκτεισάτωσαν ἱερὰς τοῖς θεοῖς δραχμὰς δισχιλίας. Ἐξέστω δὲ τῶι [33] βουλομένῳ Γυθεατῶν κατηγορεῖν αὐτῶν. ᵛ Οἱ ἔφοροι οἱ ἐπὶ Χαίρωνος στρατηγοῦ καὶ ἱερέως θε- [34] οῦ Σεβαστοῦ Καίσαρος οἱ περὶ Τερέντιον Βιάδαν ἐγδότωσαν τρεῖς γραπτὰς εἰκόνας τοῦ θε- [35] οῦ Σεβαστοῦ καὶ Ἰουλίας τῆς Σεβαστῆς καὶ Τιβερίου Καίσαρος τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ καὶ τὰ διὰ θέατρον [36] ἴκρια τῷ χορῷ καὶ θύρας μιμικὰς τέσσερας καὶ τῇ συνφωνίᾳ ὑποπόδια. Στησάτωσαν δὲ καὶ στή- [37] λην̣ λιθίνην χαράξαντες εἰς αὐτὴν τὸν ἱερὸν νόμον καὶ εἰς τὰ δημόσια δὲ γραμματοφυλάκια θέτω- [38] σαν ἀ̣ν̣τ̣ί̣γ̣ραφον τοῦ ἱεροῦ νόμου, ἵνα καὶ ἐν δημοσίωι καὶ ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ καὶ πᾶσιν ἐν φανερῷ κείμενος ὁ νό- [39] μος [διηνε]κ̣ῆ τὴν τοῦ δήμου τοῦ Γυθεατῶν εὐχαριστίαν εἰς {σ} τοὺς ἡγεμόνας παρέχῃ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώ- [40] ποι̣ς̣. Εἰ δὲ ἢ μὴ ἐνχαράξουσι τοῦτον τὸν νόμον, ἢ μὴ ἀναθήσουσιν τὴν στήλην πρὸ τοῦ ναοῦ ἢ μὴ γρά- [41] [ψουσι τὸ ἀντίγραφον – -]. |
| TRANSLATION Calandra and Gorrini 2008, 3-4. …the agoranomos shall put on the first base [the image] of the divine Augustus Caesar the father, on the second to his right that of Julia Augusta, on the third that of Augustus Tiberius Caesar, the city furnishing him [to the magistrate] with the images. He shall also set a table in the middle of the theatre and a censer in front of it and [the agoranomos] shall allow that the synedria and all the public magistracies make sacrifices for the salvation of the rulers before the spectacles begin. [The agoranomos] will celebrate the first day in honour of the divine Caesar Augustus Saviour Liberator son of the god [Iulius], the second day in honour of the emperor and father of the country Tiberius Caesar Augustus, the third one in honour of Julia Augusta, Tyche of the people and of our city, the fourth day in honour of the Victory of Germanicus Caesar, the fifth day in honour of Aphrodite of Drusus Caesar, the sixth in honour of Titus Quintius Flamininus, and he shall ensure the good behaviour of the participants. In the first assembly after the festival [the agoranomos] shall present to the city the account of the whole payment of the performances and the financial administration of the sacred monies. If it will be found that he has speculated or if he will be accused of having kept the accounts in a fraudulent way, after having been proved guilty it will be enacted that he will be not able to hold in the future any office, and his patrimony will become of public ownership. The goods among those which have been made public, these goods will indeed be considered sacred and from these the archons in charge will provide to prepare further embellishments. It shall be permitted to whoever wants among the inhabitants of Gythium to bring a trial with no penalty about the employment of the sacred funds. The agoranomos, after the days of the theatrical performances in honour of the gods and the rulers have finished, shall hold for another two days theatrical spectacles, the first day in memory of C. Iulius Eurykles, who has been on many occasions a benefactor of the people and of our city, the second day in honour of C. Iulius Lakon, who is responsible for the security and the safety of the people and of our city. And he shall celebrate festivities in those days in which it will be possible for him after the day of the goddess. And, when he leaves office, he shall submit for public act to the agoranomos in charge all the things necessary for the spectacles and the city shall take a copy from him who receives them. When the agoranomos starts the theatrical festivities, let him set of a procession from the temple of Asclepius and Hygeia, being part of the procession the ephebes and all the young people and the other citizens crowned with laurel and dressed in white clothes. Also the sacred young girls and the women in the sacred dresses will take part in the procession. When the procession has reached the Caesaraeum, the ephors shall sacrifice a bull for the salvation of the rulers and the gods, and for the eternal endurance of their kingdom, and after having sacrificed they shall invite all the members of the phideitia and the public magistracies to sacrifice in the agora. If, instead, they shall not conclude the procession or they shall not sacrifice or, having sacrificed, they shall not force to sacrifice in the agora the members of the phideitia and the public magistracies, they shall pay two thousand drachmas to consecrate to the gods. It will be allowed to accuse them to whoever of the inhabitants of Gythium wants it. The ephors presided by Terentius Biadas at the time of Chairon strategus and priest of Caesar Augustus shall provide three painted images of the god Augustus and of Julia Augusta and of Augustus Tiberius Cesar, the provisional structures in the orchestra for the theatre and four stage doors and the stools for the musicians. They shall erect a stone stele after having written on it the sacred law and they shall deposit a copy of the sacred law in the public archives so that in public and under the sky and in a clear way the law will show the perpetual gratitude of the people of Gythion towards the rulers in front of all mankind. But, if they won’t engrave this law, or they won’t erect the stele in front of the temple or they won’t write the copy… |
| BIBLIOGRAPHY Beard, M., North, J. and Price, S. (1998). Religions of Rome (vol. 2, a sourcebook). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 254-255. Benoist, S. (2012). “Les Kaisareia de Gythéion”. In: A. Hermary and B. Jaeger, eds., Thesaurus cultus et rituum antiquorum (ThesCRA). VII, Festivals and Games. Los Ángeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 271-272. Braund, D. (1985). Augustus to Nero: A Sourcebook on Roman History, 31 BC-AD 68. London–Sidney: Croom Helm, 63-64, no. 127. Calandra, E. and Gorrini, M. E. (2008). “Cult Practice of a Pompé in the Imperial Age: S.E.G. XI.923”. Sparta 4(8): 3-22. Camia, F. (2011). Theoi Sebastoi: il culto degli imperatori romani in Grecia (provincia Achaia) nel secondo secolo D.C. Atene: Institouto Hellēnikēs kai Rōmaïkēs Archaiotētos, 86-87. Camia, F. (2016). “Between Tradition and Innovation: Cults for Roman Emperors in the Province of Achaia”. In: A. Kolb and M. 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Letter of the Imperator Claudius to the Alexandrines
| TITLE Letter of the Imperator Claudius to the Alexandrines |
| DATE 41 CE |
| TEXT Edition of Oliver 1989, 78-80 (see also: P. Lond 6.1912). Col. I [1] Λούκιος Αἰμίλλιος Ῥῆκτος λέγει· [2] ἐπειδὴ τῇ ἀναγνώσει τῆς ἱ̣εροτάτης [3] καὶ εὐεργετικωτάτης ἰς τὴν πόλειν [4] ἐπιστολῆς πᾶσα ἡ πόλεις παρατυχεῖν [5] οὐκ ἠδυνηθη{ν} διὰ τ̣ὸ̣ π̣λ̣ῆ̣θος αὐτῆς, [6] ἀνανκαῖον ἡγησάμην ἐκθεῖναι [7] τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἵνα κατʼ ἄνδρα ἕκαστον [8] ἀναγεινοσκων αὐτὴν τή̣ν τε μεγαλιό̣τητα [9] τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν Καίσαρος θαυμάσητε [10] καὶ τῇ πρὸς τὴν πόλε̣ιν [[ὁμοίᾳ]] εὐνοίᾳ [11] χάριν ἔχητε. (ἔτους) β Τιβερίου Κλαυδίου [12] Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Γερμανικοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος, μηνὸς Νέου [13] Σεβαστο(ῦ) ιδ. Col. II [14] Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Καῖσαρ Σεβαστὸς Γερμανικὸς Αὐτοκράτωρ ἀρχ{ι}ιερεὺς [15] μέγειστος δημαρχικῆς ἐξουσίας ὕπατος ἀποδεδιγμένος Ἀλεξανδρέων [16] τῇ πόλει χαίρειν. Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Βάρβιλλος, Ἀπολλώνις Ἀρτεμιδώρου, [17] Χαιρήμων Λεονίδου, Μάρκος Ἰούλιος Ἀσκληπιάδης, Γάιος Ἰούλιος Διονύσιο(ς), [18] Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Φανίας, Πασίων Ποτάμωνος, Διονύσιος Σαββ̣ί̣ωνος [19] Τιβέριος Κλαύδις <Ἀρχίβος>, Ἀπολλώνις Ἀρίστονος, Γάιος Ἰούλιος Ἀπολλ̣ώνιος, Ἑρμαίσκος [20] Ἀπολλωνίου, ὑ πρέσβεις ὑμῶν, ἀναδόντες μοι τὸ ψήφισμα πολλὰ περὶ [21] τῆς πόλεως διεξῆλθον, ὑπαγόμενοί μοι <ζ>ῆλον πρὸς τὴν ε̣ἰς ἡμᾶς [22] εὔνοιαν ἣν ἐκ πολλῶν χρόνων, εὖ εἴστε, παρʼ ἐμοὶ τεταμιευμένη̣ν̣ ε̣[τι] [23] εἴχεται, φύσει μὲν εὐσεβεῖς περὶ τοὺς Σεβαστοὺς ὑπάρχοντες, ὡς [24] ἐκ πολλῶν μοι γέγονε γνόριμον, ἐξερέτως δὲ περὶ τὸν ἐμὸν [25] οἶκον καὶ σπουδάσαντες καὶ σπουδασθέντος, ὧν εἵνα τὸ τελευ- [26] ταῖον εἴπωι παρεὶς τὰ ἄλλα μέγειστός ἐστιν μάρτυς οὗμος ἀδελφὸς [27] Γερμανικὸς Καῖσαρ γνησιωτέραις ὑμᾶς φωναῖς προσαγορεύσας· [28] διόπερ ἡδέως προσεδεξάμην τὰς δοθείσας ὑφʼ ἡμῶν μοι τιμὰς [29] καίπερ οὐκ ὢν πρὸς τὰ τοιαῦτα {ρ} ῥαίδιος. καὶ προ͂τα μὲν Σεβαστὴν [30] ὑμεῖν ἄγειν ἐπιτρέπωι τὴν ἐμὴν γενεθλείαν ὃν τρόπον αὐτοὶ προ [31] είρησθαι, τὰς τὲ ἑκα{τασ}σταχοῦ τῶν ἀνδριάντων ἀναστάσεις [32] ἐμοῦ τε καὶ τοῦ γένους μου ποιήσασθε συνχωρῶι· ἐγὼ ὁρῶι γὰρ [33] <ὅτι> πάντη μνημεῖα τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐσεβείας εἰ̣ς̣ τ̣ὸ̣ν ἐμὸν οἶκον [34] ὑδροσασθαι <ἐ> σπουδασαται. τῶν δὲ̣ δυο̣ῖ̣ν χρυ[σῶ]ν ἀνδρ̣ι̣ά̣ν̣των [35] ὁ μὲν Κλαυδιαν̣ῆ̣ς Εἰρήνης Σεβασ̣τῆς γεν̣ό̣[με]ν̣ο̣ς, ὥ̣σ̣περ ὑπέθετο [36] καὶ προσελειπάρ̣η[σ]ε̣ν̣ ὁ ἐμοὶ τιμ[ι]ώτ̣α̣τ̣ο̣ς̣ Βάρβιλ̣λ̣ο̣ς ἀρνουμένου [37] μου διὰ τὸ φορτ̣ι̣κ̣ό̣τ̣ε̣[ρο]ς δ[οκ]ε̣ῖ[ν], ἐ̣π̣εὶ Ῥώ̣μ̣η̣ς ἀνατεθήσεται, Col. III [38] ὁ δὲ ἕτερος ὃν τρόπον ὑμεῖς ἀξιοῦτε πομπεύσει ταῖς ἐπονύμαις [39] ἡμέραις παρʼ ὑμῖν· συνπομπευέτωι δὲ [[και αυ]] αὐτῶι καὶ δίφρος [40] ᾧ βούλεσθαι κόσμωι ἠσκημένος. εὐῆθες δʼ ἴσ{σ}ως τοσαύτας [41] προσ[ι]έμενον τειμὰς ἀρνήσασθαι φυλὴν Κλαυδιανὰν καταδῖξαι [42] ἄλση τε κατὰ νόμον παρεῖναι τῆς Αἰγύπ<τ>ου· διόπερ καὶ ταῦτά [[ημῖ̣ν̣]] [43] θʼ ὑμεῖν ἐπιτρέπωι. εἰ̣ δ̣ὲ̣ βούλεσθαι καὶ Οὐειτρασίου Πολείωνος [44] τοῦ ἐμοῦ ἐπιτρόπου τοὺς ἐφίππους ἀνδριάντας ἀναστήσατε. τῶν δὲ [45] τετραπώλων ἀναστάσε̣[ι]ς <ἃς περὶ τὰς εἰσ>βολὰς τῆς χώρας ἀφιδρῦσέ μοι βούλεσθαι [46] συνχωρῶι, τὸ μὲν περ̣ὶ̣ τὴν Ταπόσιριν καλουμένην τῆς Λιβύης, [47] τὸ δὲ περὶ Φάρον τῆς Ἀλεξανδρε̣ίας, τρίτον δὲ περὶ Πηλούσιον [48] τῆς Αἰγύπ<τ>ου στῆσαι. ἀρχ{ι}ιερέα δʼ ἐμὸν καὶ ναῶν κατασκευὰς [49] παρετοῦμε, οὔτε φορτικὸς τοῖς κατʼ ἐμαυτὸν ἀνθρόποις [50] βουλόμενος εἶναι τὰ ἱ̣ε̣ρ̣ὰ δὲ καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα μόνοις τοῖς θεοῖς [51] ἐξέρετα ὑπὸ τοῦ παντὸς αἰῶνος ἀποδεδόσθαι κρίν[ω]ν. [52] περὶ δὲ τῶν αἰτημ̣άτων ἃ παρʼ ἐμοῦ λαβεῖν ἐσπουδάκα [53] τε οὕτως γεινώσκωι· ἅπασι τοῖς ἐφηβευκώσει ἄχρει τῆς [54] ἐμῆς ἡγεμονείας βαί[[βον]]βαιον διαφυλάσσωι τὴν Ἀλεξανδρέων [55] πολειτείαν ἐπὶ τοῖς τῆς πόλεως τειμείοις κ̣α̣ὶ̣ φ̣ι̣λανθρόποις [56] πᾶσει πλὴν εἰ μή τινε̣ς ὑπῆλθον ὑμᾶς ὡς ἐ̣γ δ̣ού̣λ̣ων [57] γ[ε]γ̣ονότες ἐφηβεῦσαι̣, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα δὲ οὐχ ἧσσον εἶ̣ν̣α̣ι βούλομε [58] βέβαια πάνθʼ ὅσα ὑμεῖν ἐχαρίσθη ὑπό τε τῶν πρὸ ἐμοῦ ἡγεμόνων [59] καὶ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ τῶν̣ ἐπάρχων, ὡς καὶ [ὁ] θεὸς̣ Σεβαστὸς ἐβεβαίωσε. Col. IV [60] τοὺς δὲ νεοκόρους τοῦ ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ ναοῦ ὅς ἐστ̣ι̣ν τοῦ θεοῦ [61] Σεβαστοῦ κληροτοὺς εἶναι βούλομε καθὰ καὶ ὑ ἐν Κανόπωι [62] τοῦ αὐτοῦ θεοῦ Σεβαστοῦ κληροῦνται. ὑπὲρ δὲ τοῦ τὰς πολει [63] τεικάς ἀρχὰς τριετῖ̣ς εἶναι καὶ πάν<υ> ἐμοὶ [[υ]] καλῶς βεβουλεῦσθαι [64] δοκεῖται, ὑ γὰρ <ἄρ>χοντες φώβωι τοῦ δώσειν εὐθύνας ὧν κακῶς [65] ἦρξαν μετριώτεροι ἡμεῖν προσενεκθήσονται τὸ̣ν̣ ἐ̣ν ταῖς [66] ἀρχαῖς χρόνον. περὶ δὲ τῆς βουλῆς ὅ τι μέν ποτε σύνηθες [67] ὑμ̣εῖν ἐπὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων βασιλέων οὐκ ἔχωι λέγειν, ὅτι δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν [68] πρὸ ἐμοῦ Σεβαστῶν οὐκ εἴχεται σαφῶς οἴδατε. καινοῦ δὴ [69] πράγματος νῦν προ͂των καταβαλλομένου ὅπερ ἄδηλον εἰ συνοί [70] σει τῇ πόλει καὶ τοῖς ἐμοῖς πράγμασει ἔγραψα Αἰμιλλίωι Ῥήκτωι [71] διασκέψασθαι καὶ δηλῶσέ μοι εἴ ται καὶ συνείστασθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν δεῖ, [72] τόν τε τρόπον, εἴπερ ἄρα συνάγειν δέυ, καθʼ ὃν γενήσεται τοῦτο. [73] τῆς δὲ πρὸς Ἰουδαίους ταραχῆς καὶ στάσεως, μᾶλλον δʼ εἰ χρὴ τὸ ἀλη̣θὲς [74] εἰπεῖν τοῦ πολέμου, πότεροι μεν αἴτιοι κατέστησαν, καίπερ [75] ἐξ ἀντικαταστάσεως πολλὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων πρέσβεων [76] φιλοτειμηθέντων καὶ μάλιστα Διονυσίου τοῦ Θέων[ο]ς, ὅμως [77] οὐκ ἐβουλήθην ἀκριβῶς ἐξελένξαι, ταμιευόμενος ἐμ̣αυτῶι [78] κατὰ τῶν πάλειν ἀρξαμένων ὀργὴν ἀμεταμέλητον· [79] ἁπλῶς δὲ προσαγορεύωι ὅτι ἂν μὴ καταπαύσηται τὴν ὀλέ [80] θριον ὀργὴν ταύτην κατʼ ἀλλήλων αὐθ<ημερ>όν, ἐγβιασθήσομαι [81] δῖξαι ὗόν ἐστιν ἡγεμὼν φιλάνθροπος εἰς ὀργὴν δικαίαν μεταβεβλη [82] μένος. διόπερ ἔτι καὶ νῦν διαμαρτύρομε εἵνα Ἀλεξανδρεῖς μὲν [83] πραέως καὶ φιλανθρόπως προσφέροντε Ἰουδαίο<ι>ς τοῖς [84] τὴν αὐτὴν πόλειν ἐκ πολλῶν χρόνων οἰκοῦσει Col. V [85] καὶ μηδὲν τῶν πρὸς θρησκείαν αὐτοῖς νενομισμένων [86] τοῦ θεοῦ λοιμένωνται, ἀλλὰ ἐῶσιν αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἔθεσιν [87] χρῆσθαι ὗς καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ θεοῦ Σεβαστοῦ, ἅπερ καὶ ἐγὼι [88] διακούσας ἀμφοτέρων ἐβεβαίωσα. καὶ Ἰουδέοις δὲ [89] ἄντικρυς κελεύωι μηδὲν πλήωι ὧν πρότερον [90] ἔσχον περιεργάζεσθαι μηδὲ ὥσπερ ἐν δυσεὶ πόλεσιν κα [91] τοικοῦντας δύο πρεσβείας ἐκπέμπειν τοῦ λοιποῦ, [92] ὣ μὴ πρότερόν ποτε ἐπράκθη, μηδὲ ἐπισπαί̣ε̣ιν [93] γυμνασιαρχικοῖς ἢ κοσμητικοῖς ἀγῶσει, [94] καρπουμένους μὲν τὰ οἰκῖα ἀπολά<υ>οντας δὲ [95] ἐν ἀλλοτρίᾳ πόλει περιουσίας ἁπθόνων ἀγαθῶν, [96] μηδὲ ἐπάγεσθαι ἢ προσείεσθαι ἀπὸ Συρίας ἢ Αἰγύπ<τ>ου [97] καταπλέοντας Ἰουδαίους, ἐξ οὗ μείζονας ὑπονοίας [98] ἀνανκασθήσομε λαμβάνειν. εἰ δὲ μή, πάντα [99] τρόπον αὐτοὺς ἐπεξελεύσομαι καθάπερ κοινήν [100] τεινα τῆς οἰκουμένης νόσον ἐξεγείροντας. ἐὰν [101] τούτων ἀποστάντες ἀμφότεροι μετὰ πρα̣ότητος [102] καὶ φιλανθροπείας τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ζῆν ἐθελήσετε [103] καὶ ἐγὼι πρόνοιαν τῆς πόλεως ποήσομαι τὴν ἀνατάτωι [104] καθάπερ ἐκ προγόνων οἰκίας ὑμῖν ὑπαρχούσης. [105] Βαρβίλλωι τῶι ἐμῶι ἑτέρωι μαρτυρῶι ἀεὶ πρόνοια[ν] [106] ἡμῶν παρʼ ἐμοὶ ποιουμένωι, ὃς καὶ νῦν πάσηι φιλο [107] τειμείᾳ περὶ των ἀγο͂να τὸν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν κέχρ[ητε], [108] καὶ Τιβερίωι Κλαυδίωι Ἀρχιβίωι τῶι ἐμῶι ἑτέ[ρωι]. ἔρρωσθαι. |
| TRANSLATION Oliver 1989, 81-83. Proclamation of Lucius Aemilius Rectus. Since, because of its number, not all the populace was able to be present at the reading of the most sacred letter which is so beneficent to the city, I have thought it necessary to publish the letter so that each one of you may read it and wonder at the greatness of our god Caesar and be thankful for his goodwill towards the city. In second year of Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus the Emperor, on the 14th day of the month Neos Sebastos. Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus the Emperor, pontifex maximus, holder of the tribunician power, consul designate, to the city of Alexandria, greeting. Tib. Claudius Barbillus, Apollonius son of Artemidorus, Chairemon son of Leonidas, M. Julius Asclepiades, C. Julius Dionysius, Tib. Claudius Phanias, Pasion son of Potamon, Dionysius son of Sabbion, Tib. Claudius Archibius, Apollonius son of Ariston, C. Julius Apollonius, Hermaiscus son of Apollonius, your ambassadors, presented me with the decree and spoke at length about the city, bringing to me little by little a strong leaning toward that goodwill for you, the affection which, you well know, had for many years been stored up in my heart and on which you could still count, for you are by disposition loyal to the Augusti, as I know from many instances, and particularly from your devotion to my own family, which has been returned. Of this, to pass over other instances and mention the latest, the best witness in my brother, Germanicus Caesar, who addressed you in rather heartwarming terms. For this reason I have gladly received the honors you have given me, although I have no great taste for such things. Firstly then, I allow you to keep my birthday as a sacred day as you have requested, and I permit you to erect in their several places the statues of me and my family; for I see that you are anxious to establish on all sides memorials of your reverence to my family. Of the two golden statues, the one of Pax Augusta Claudiana, which I was inclined to refuse, since it seemed rather excessive, shall be set up at Rome, as my most honoured Barbillus suggested and entreated, and the other shall be carried in processions on name-days in your city in the manner you think best, and a throne shall be carried with it, according to your request. It would perhaps be absurd for me to allow such great honors and to refuse the creation of Claudian tribe and the declination of groves after the Egyptian custom, and I therefore allow these too. If you wish, you may also erect the equestrian statues of Vitrasius Pollio my procurator. I allow you also to set up the four-horse chariots which you wish to set up at the entrances to your country, at the place called Taposiris in Libya, at Pharos of Alexandria, and a third at Pelousian in Egypt. But the establishment of a high-priest and temples of myself I decline, not whishing to be offensive to my contemporaries and in the belief that temples and the like have been set apart in all ages for the gods alone. About the request which you have made from me, my decision is this. To all those who have been registered as ephebes up to the time of my principate I guarantee and confirm their Alexandrian citizenship with all the privileges and benefits enjoyed by the city, with the exception of any who, though born of slaveparents, have made their way into your ephebate, and it is also my will that all privileges which were grated to you by emperors, kings, and prefects before my time shall be confirmed, in the same way that the god Augustus confirmed them. It is also my will that the neokorio of the temple of the god Augustus in Alexandria should be chosen by lot in the same way as those of the god Augustus in Canopus. In proposing that the offices be trieteric, you seem to me to have decided wisely, for your magistrates will behave more moderately during their term of office for fear of being called to account for abuses of power. About the Council, what your custom was under the emperors before me, you are well aware. Since this is a new matter now laid before me for the first time and it is uncertain whether it will profit the city and my affairs, I have written to Aemilius Rectus to examine the question and report to me whether the Council should be established, and, if it should, what form it should take. With regard to the responsibility for the disturbances and rioting, or rather, to speak the truth, the war, against the Jews, although your ambassadors, particularly Dionysius son of Theon, in a spirited confrontation made many efforts in your behalf, I have not wished to make an exact inquiry, but I harbour within me a store of immutable indignation against those who renewed the conflict. I merely say that, unless you [immediately] stop this destructive and obstinate mutual enmity, I shall be forced to show what a benevolent ruler can be when he is turned to righteous indignation. Even now, therefore, I conjure the Alexandrians to behave gently and kindly toward the Jews who have inhabited the same city for many years, and not to dishonour any of their customs in their worship of their god, but to allow them to keep their own ways, as they did in the time of the divine Augustus and as I too, having heard both sides, have confirmed. The Jews, on the other hand, I order not to aim at more than they have previously had and not in future to send two embassies as if they lived in two cities, a thing which has never been done before, and not to intrude themselves into the games presided over by the gymnasiarchoi and the kosmetai, since they enjoy what is their own, and in a city which is not their own they possess an abundance of all good things. Nor are they to bring in or invite Jews coming from Syria or Egypt, or I shall be forced to conceive graver suspicions. If they disobey, I shall proceed against them in every way as fomenting a common plague for the whole world. If you both give up your present ways and are willing to live in gentleness and kindness with one another, I for my part will care for the city as much as I can, as one which has long been closely connected with us. Barbillus my friend, as I can witness, has always been your champion with me and has now conducted your case with the greatest zeal, and the same is true of my friend Tiberius Claudius Archibius. Farewell. |
| BIBLIOGRAPHY Braund, D. (1985). Augustus to Nero: A Sourcebook on Roman History, 31 BC-AD 68. London–Sidney: Croom Helm, 201-204, no. 571. Burnet, R. (2003). L’Égypte ancienne a travers les papyrus. Vie quotidienne. Paris: Pygmalion Editions, 71-75, no. 20. Charlesworth, M. P. (1939). “The Refusal of Divine Honours: An Augustan Formula”. Papers of the British School at Rome 15: 1-10. Hunt, A. S. and Edgar, C. C. (1963). Selected papyri: In five volumes. 2. Non-literary papyri. Public documents. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 78-88. Idris Bell, H. (1924). Jews and Christians in Egypt. The Jewish Troubles in Alexandria and the Athanasian Controversy. London: British Museum, 23-27. Jones, C. P. (2019). “Roman emperors and the acceptance of divine honors”. In: J.-L. Ferrary, A. Heller, C. Müller and A. Suspène, ed., Philorhômaios Kai Philhellèn Hommage à Jean-Louis Ferray. Genève: Librairie Droz, 467–480. Levick, B. (1985). The government of the Roman Empire: A sourcebook. London: Croom Helm, 134-137, no. 124. Lewis, N. and Reinhold, M. (1966). Roman Civilization. The Sourcebook II: The Empire. New York: Harper Torchbooks, 366-369. Moscadi, A. (1975). “Note a PLond. 1912”. Studi Italiani di Filologia Classica 47: 236-250. Oliver, J. H. (1989). Greek Constitutions of Early Roman Emperor from Inscriptions and Papyri. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 77-88, no. 19. Pestman, P. W. (1990). The new papyrological primer. Leiden: Brill, 105-109, no. 16. Rostovtzeff, M. (1926): “Pax Augusta Claudiana”. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 12(1): 24-29. Schubert, P. (2000). Vivre en Egypte gréco-romaine. Une sélection de papyrus. Vevey : Editions de l’Aire, 176-179. Stuart, M. (1938). The portraiture of Claudius. Menasha, Wisconsin : George Banta Publishing Company, 6-13. Tcherikover, V. and Fuks, A. (1960). Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum. Vol. 2. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 36, 39-42-43. White, J. L. (1986). Light from Ancient Letters. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, no. 88. |
Eumenes II’s pompe in Delphi (Eumeneia)
Eumenes II’s pompe in Delphi (Eumeneia)
| TITLE: |
| Eumenes II’s pompe in Delphi (Eumeneia) |
| DATE: |
| 160-159 BC |
| TEXT: |
| Syll.3 671 = FD 3.3.238 BRINGMANN, K. and H. VON STEUBEN (1995-2000): Schenkungen hellenistischer Herrscher an griechische Städte und Heiligtümer, 2 vols., Berlin Cf. Sokolowski LSS 44; Laum 1914: no. 29; Daux FD III.3 238 |
| EDITIONS/TRANSLATIONS: |
Syll.3 671 = FD 3.3.238 Collection of Greek Ritual Norms: (English and French : A. JACQUEMIN, D. MULLIEZ and G. ROUGEMONT 2012: Choix d’inscriptions de Delphes, traduites et commentées. Études épigraphiques 5, Athens) |
| KEYWORDS: |
| Word used to mean procession: |
| πομπή or its verbal form πομπεύω (l. 8-9, π[ομ]πευόντω; l. 20, πομπεύσωντι) |
| Word used to mean the cult images: |
| βάσιν (l. 22, βάσις, “base” of the statue) |
| Gods or other entities named: |
| Apollo and Leto and Artemis (l. 5-6, Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ τᾶι Λατοῖ καὶ τᾶι Ἀρτέμιτι; Apollo again in l. 9) |
| Description of the cult images: |
| Procession’s route: |
| From the threshing floor/ from the circular place/”la place circulaire” (A. Jacquemin, D. Mulliez, G. Rougemont 2012, 167) (l. 9, ἐκ τᾶς ἅλωο[ς]). Cf. “The festival was also to include a procession departing from the so-called “Circular Area” (lit. circular “threshing-floor”) in the sanctuary” (vd. J.-M. Carbon and S. Peels) |
| Frequency with which the procession takes place: |
| Every year on the twelfth day of the month of Herakleios (l. 2-3, ἐν τῶι Ἡρακλείωι μηνὶ τᾶ[ι] [δωδεκ]άται), and the procession took place exactly on the twelfth day at the second hour (l. 8-9, τᾶι δωδεκάται π[ομ]πευόντω ὥρας δευτέρας) |
| Performers: |
| The priests of Apollo and of the other gods, the prytaneis, the archons and the other magistracies, and the torch-bearers – ten men from each tribe (l. 9-11, οἵ τε ἱερεῖς τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν καὶ οἱ πρυτάνεις καὶ ἄρχοντες καὶ [τ]ὰ ἄλλα ἀρχεῖα καὶ οἱ λαμπαδισταί, ἀφ’ ἑκάστας φυλᾶς ἄνδρες δέκα) |
| References to the public attending the procession: |
| Rites related to the procession: |
The overseers sacrificed three full-grown oxen to Apollo and Leto and Artemis, and they managed the other sacrificial victims according to the instructions, and they used the meat for the public feast, as is customary; and they provided forty metretai of wine (l. 5-8, θυόντω δ[ὲ ο]ἱ ἐπιμεληταὶ βοῦς τρεῖς τελείους τῶι Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ τᾶι Λατοῖ καὶ τᾶι Ἀρτέμιτι, καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ ἱε[ρε]ῖα οἰκονομεόντω κατὰ τὰ διατεταγμένα, καὶ τὰ κρ[έα] καταχρείσθωσαν ἐν τὰν δαμοθοινίαν κα[θ]ὼς εἴθισται· οἴνου δὲ ἀναλισκόντω μετρητὰς τεσ[σα]ράκοντα) There was a race of torch-bearers from the gymnasium to the altar, and the winner set fire to the sacrifice (l. 15-16, ὁ δ[ὲ] δρόμος γινέσθω ἐκ τοῦ γυμνασίου ἄχρι ποτὶ τὸν βωμόν, ὁ δὲ νικέων ὑφαπτέτω τὰ ἱερά), and the tribe that won the torch-race received ten staters of silver for the sacrifice. The priests of Apollo, whenever they go in procession, prayed for the Eumeneia (l. 19-20, οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, ἐπεί κα πομπεύσωντι, κατευχέσθωσαν τὰ Εὐμένεια καθὼς νομίζεται). |
| Allusions to conduct or forms of reverence: |
| Other remarkable elements: |
In this decree the city and sanctuary of Delphi received generous gifts from one its patrons; in this case, Delphi received corn and money in return for holding a festival in honour of Eumenes II (Εὐμένης Βʹ), who ruled between 197 and 159 BC, and surnamed Soter meaning “Savior”; he was a ruler of Pergamon, and a son of Attalus I Soter and queen Apollonis, members of the Attalid dynasty of Pergamon. This dialogue between a city and its benefactor has been interpreted by Domingo Gygax (2016, p. 42) as a “negotiation, (…) he acted as he did partly because Delphi voted to award him great honors – honors that amounted to gifts as well as counter-gifts, and that obliged him to reciprocate”. The councillors in office inscribed this decree on the base of the statue of the king Eumenes II near the altar of Apollo, and they dispatched a copy to the king (l. ἀναγράψαι [δὲ τὸ ψάφισ]μα ἐν τὰν βάσιν τὰν ὑπάρχουσαν τοῦ βασιλέος παρὰ τὸν βωμὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος τ[οὺς ἐνάρ]χους βουλευτάς, καὶ διαποστεῖλαι ποτὶ [τ]ὸν βασιλῆ τὸ ἀντίγραφον τοῦ ψαφίσματ[ος]) One slightly later decree also studied in this project concerns a donation by Attalos II for the education of boys and honorific ceremonies and sacrifices, also including a procession, a banquet and a torch-race (vd. J.-M. Carbon and S. Peels) Moreover, the Delphic foundation of Alkesippos (also studied in this project), a somewhat earlier document dated to 182 BC apparently served as a partial model for the foundations of the Attaleia and the Eumeneia. |
| BIBLIOGRAPHY: |
BÖMMER (1952), RE: s.v. Pompa. Herrscher, Vol. XXI.2, p. 1967, n.289-293. BOMMELAER, J.-F. and D. LAROCHE (1991): Guide de Delphes. Le site (École française d’Athènes. Sites et Monuments 7), Athens DAUX, G. (1935): “Sur la loi amphictionique de 380 av. J.C.”, RA,pp. 205-219 DAUX, G. (1936): Delphes au IIe et au Ier siècle, depuis l’abaissement de l’Étolie jusqu’à la paix romaine, 191-31 av. J.-C., Paris, pp. 682-685 DOMINGO GYGAX, M. (2016): Benefaction and rewards in the ancient Greek city. The origins of euergetism, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p. 42 |
Attalus II’s pompe in Delphi (Attaleia)
Attalus II’s pompe in Delphi (Attaleia)
| TITLE: |
| Attalus II’s pompe in Delphi (Attaleia) |
| DATE: |
| 160-159 BC |
| TEXT: |
| Syll.3 672 CGRN 202 |
| EDITIONS/TRANSLATIONS: |
| Austin, M. M. (2006). The Hellenistic world from Alexander to the Roman conquest: a selection of ancient sources in translation, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p. 422 CGRN 202 |
KEYWORDS: |
| Words used to mean procession: |
| Vb. πομπεύω (l. 56, 58, 59, πομπευόντω) |
| Word used to mean the cult images: |
| εἰκόνα (l. 62-63, τὰν εἰκόνα τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀττάλου) |
| Gods or other entities named: |
| Apollo (l. 55, 58) |
| Description of the cult images: |
| Procession’s route: |
| From the threshing floor to the temple of Apollo (l. 58-59, πομπευόντω δὲ ἐκ τᾶς ἅλωος ἐν τὸν ναόν) |
| Frequency with which the procession takes place: |
| Every 13th of the month of Heracleius (c. May, l. 55-56, τοῦ Ἡρακλείου (…) δὲ τρεισκαιδεκάται) |
| Performers: |
| The priests of Apollo and of the other gods, the prytaneis, the magistrates, and the children wearing crowns (l. 55-57, οἵ τε ἱερεῖς τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνο[ς] καὶ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν καὶ πρυτάνεις καὶ ἄρχοντες καὶ οἱ παῖδες ἐστεφανωμένοι) |
| References to the public attending the procession: |
| The children wearing crowns (l. 57, οἱ παῖδες ἐστεφανωμένοι) |
| Rites related to the procession: |
| The priest of Apollo made a prayer and proclaimed the name of the sacrifice as being the Attaleia (l. 59-60, οἱ ἱερεῖς τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, κατευχέστων ποταγορεύοντες τὰν θυσίαν Ἀττάλεια καθὼς εἴθισται) |
| Allusions to conduct or forms of reverence: |
| Other remarkable elements: |
| It is a decree of Delphi concerning a foundation provided by the king of Pergamon Attalus II Philadelphus (Ἄτταλος Β΄ ὁ Φιλάδελφος, which means “the brother-loving”; 220–138 BC), according to Harris 2015, n.38: “his document is a public measure enacted by the city of Delphi”; in sum, king Attalus made two donations, one of 18,000 drachmas for the education of children (lines 6-8), the other for sacrifices and processions (lines 44-63). So that the resolutions of the decree were effectively done, it was inscribed on the statue base of king Attalus II (l. 61-63, ὅπως δὲ καὶ ἐμφανῆ ᾖ τὰ ἐψηφισμ[έ]να, ἀναγράψαι τὸ ψάφισμα ἐπὶ τὰν εἰκόνα τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀττάλου). |
| BIBLIOGRAPHY: |
AUSTIN, M. M. (2006). The Hellenistic World from Alexander to the Roman Conquest: A Selection of Ancient sources in Translation, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p. 422. BÖMMER (1952), RE: s.v. Pompa. Herrscher, Vol. XXI.2, p. 1965, n.278. HARRIS, E. (2015). “Toward a Typology of Greek Regulations about Religious Matters”, Kernos, 28, pp. 53-83 HARRIS, E. and CARBON, J. M. (2015). “The Documents in Sokolowski’s Lois sacrées des cités grecques (LSCG)”, Kernos 28, p. 22 n.80 NOCK, A. D. (1930): “Σύνναος θεός”, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 41, p.23 |